Biology Quizlet Exploing Life Textbook Chapter 10 Review

Chapter 7. Growing and Developing

7.2 Infancy and Childhood: Exploring and Learning

Learning Objectives

Describe the abilities that newborn infants possess and how they actively collaborate with their environments.
Listing the stages in Piaget's model of cognitive development and explain the concepts that are mastered in each phase.
Critique Piaget'due south theory of cognitive development and describe other theories that complement and aggrandize on it.
Summarize the important processes of social development that occur in infancy and babyhood.

If all has gone well, a baby is born onetime around the 38th week of pregnancy. The fetus is responsible, at least in part, for its own nascence because chemicals released by the developing fetal encephalon trigger the muscles in the female parent'southward uterus to start the rhythmic contractions of childbirth. The contractions are initially spaced at near 15-minute intervals but come more than rapidly with time. When the contractions accomplish an interval of 2 to three minutes, the female parent is requested to assist in the labour and help push the infant out.

The Newborn Arrives With Many Behaviours Intact

Newborns are already prepared to face the new globe they are about to experience. As you lot tin can encounter in Table vii.2, "Survival Reflexes in Newborns," babies are equipped with a diversity of reflexes, each providing an ability that volition help them survive their starting time few months of life every bit they go along to larn new routines to assist them survive in and dispense their environments.

Table vii.2 Survival Reflexes in Newborns.
Proper noun	Stimulus	Response	Significance	Video Example
[Skip Table]
Rooting reflex	The baby's cheek is stroked.	The baby turns its head toward the stroking, opens its mouth, and tries to suck.	Ensures the infant's feeding will be a reflexive habit	Sentinel "The Rooting Reflex" [YouTube]
Blink reflex	A light is flashed in the baby's eyes.	The babe closes both optics.	Protects optics from strong and potentially unsafe stimuli	Lookout "Baby Blinking" [YouTube]
Withdrawal reflex	A soft pinprick is applied to the sole of the baby's foot.	The babe flexes the leg.	Keeps the exploring baby away from painful stimuli	Watch "Baby Withdraw Reflex" [YouTube]
Tonic cervix reflex	The babe is laid down on its back.	The baby turns its caput to one side and extends the arm on the same side.	Helps develop manus-eye coordination	Sentinel "Tonic Cervix Reflex" [YouTube]
Grasp reflex	An object is pressed into the palm of the baby.	The baby grasps the object pressed and can even hold its own weight for a brief catamenia.	Helps in exploratory learning	Lookout "Grasp reflex" [YouTube]
Moro reflex	Loud noises or a sudden driblet in height while holding the baby.	The babe extends artillery and legs and quickly brings them in every bit if trying to grasp something.	Protects from falling; could have assisted infants in property on to their mothers during crude travelling	Spotter "Moro Reflex" [YouTube]
Stepping reflex	The baby is suspended with bare feet just above a surface and is moved frontwards.	Infant makes stepping motions every bit if trying to walk.	Helps encourage motor development	Scout "Stepping Reflex" [YouTube]

In addition to reflexes, newborns have preferences — they like sweet-tasting foods at first, while becoming more open to salty items by four months of age (Beauchamp, Cowart, Menellia, & Marsh, 1994; Blass & Smith, 1992). Newborns also prefer the smell of their mothers. An infant only 6 days old is significantly more likely to turn toward its ain mother's breast pad than to the chest pad of some other infant's mother (Porter, Makin, Davis, & Christensen, 1992), and a newborn too shows a preference for the face up of its own mother (Bushnell, Sai, & Mullin, 1989).

Although infants are born gear up to engage in some activities, they besides contribute to their ain development through their own behaviours. The kid'south knowledge and abilities increment as it babbles, talks, crawls, tastes, grasps, plays, and interacts with the objects in the environment (Gibson, Rosenzweig, & Porter, 1988; Gibson & Pick, 2000; Smith & Thelen, 2003). Parents may help in this process by providing a variety of activities and experiences for the kid. Inquiry has found that animals raised in environments with more novel objects and that engage in a variety of stimulating activities have more brain synapses and larger cognitive cortexes, and they perform better on a multifariousness of learning tasks compared with animals raised in more than impoverished environments (Juraska, Henderson, & Müller, 1984). Similar effects are likely occurring in children who have opportunities to play, explore, and collaborate with their environments (Soska, Adolph, & Johnson, 2010).

Research Focus: Using the Habituation Technique to Study What Infants Know

It may seem to y'all that babies have little power to view, hear, understand, or remember the globe effectually them. Indeed, the famous psychologist William James presumed that the newborn experiences a "blooming, buzzing defoliation" (James, 1890, p. 462). And you may think that, even if babies do know more than than James gave them credit for, information technology might not be possible to find out what they know. Later all, infants tin can't talk or respond to questions, so how would we e'er observe out? Merely over the past two decades, developmental psychologists accept created new ways to determine what babies know, and they take establish that they know much more than than y'all, or William James, might take expected.

One way that we can learn well-nigh the cerebral development of babies is by measuring their behaviour in response to the stimuli around them. For instance, some researchers have given babies the chance to control which shapes they get to see or which sounds they get to hear according to how hard they suck on a pacifier (Trehub & Rabinovitch, 1972). The sucking behaviour is used equally a measure of the infants' interest in the stimuli — the sounds or images they suck hardest in response to are the ones nosotros can assume they prefer.

Another approach to understanding cerebral evolution past observing the behaviour of infants is through the use of the habituation technique. Habituation refers to the decreased responsiveness toward a stimulus after it has been presented numerous times in succession. Organisms, including infants, tend to be more interested in things the first few times they experience them and become less interested in them with more than frequent exposure. Developmental psychologists have used this general principle to help them understand what babies remember and understand.

In the habituation procedure,^[ane] a infant is placed in a high chair and presented with visual stimuli while a video camera records the infant's heart and face movements. When the experiment begins, a stimulus (e.g., the confront of an adult) appears in the baby'south field of view, and the corporeality of time the baby looks at the face is recorded by the camera. Then the stimulus is removed for a few seconds before it appears over again and the gaze is again measured. Over fourth dimension, the baby starts to habituate to the face, such that each presentation elicits less gazing at the stimulus. And so a new stimulus (e.yard., the face of a unlike adult or the same face looking in a different direction) is presented, and the researchers observe whether the gaze time significantly increases. You tin can run into that if the baby'due south gaze time increases when a new stimulus is presented, this indicates that the babe tin differentiate the two stimuli.

Although this procedure is very unproblematic, it allows researchers to create variations that reveal a cracking deal about a newborn's cognitive ability. The trick is but to change the stimulus in controlled means to see if the baby "notices the deviation." Enquiry using the habituation procedure has constitute that babies tin can detect changes in colours, sounds, and even principles of numbers and physics. For instance, in one experiment reported by Karen Wynn (1995), half dozen-calendar month-old babies were shown a presentation of a puppet that repeatedly jumped up and down either two or iii times, resting for a couple of seconds between sequences (the length of time and the speed of the jumping were controlled). Subsequently the infants habituated to this display, the presentation was inverse such that the puppet jumped a different number of times. Equally you lot tin see in Effigy 7.2, "Can Infants Exercise Math?" the infants' gaze fourth dimension increased when Wynn inverse the presentation, suggesting that the infants could tell the difference betwixt the number of jumps.

Figure seven.2 Can Infants Practise Math? Karen Wynn found that babies that had habituated to a puppet jumping either two or 3 times significantly increased their gaze when the puppet began to leap a different number of times.

Cerebral Development During Babyhood

Childhood is a time in which changes occur quickly. The child is growing physically, and cognitive abilities are as well developing. During this fourth dimension the child learns to actively manipulate and control the environment, and is commencement exposed to the requirements of society, particularly the demand to control the float and bowels. According to Erik Erikson, the challenges that the kid must attain in childhood chronicle to the evolution of initiative, competence, and independence. Children need to learn to explore the globe, to go self-reliant, and to brand their own manner in the environment.

Effigy seven.iii Portrait of Jean Piaget. Jean Piaget adult his theories of child development by observing the behaviours of children.

These skills practise non come overnight. Neurological changes during childhood provide children the power to exercise some things at sure ages, and yet make it impossible for them to do other things. This fact was fabricated apparent through the groundbreaking work of the Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget (Figure 7.3). During the 1920s, Piaget was administering intelligence tests to children in an attempt to determine the kinds of logical thinking that children were capable of. In the process of testing them, Piaget became intrigued, not so much by the answers that the children got right, merely more by the answers they got wrong. Piaget believed that the incorrect answers the children gave were not mere shots in the dark simply rather represented specific ways of thinking unique to the children's developmental stage. Just every bit nigh all babies learn to roll over before they learn to sit down upward past themselves, and learn to crawl before they learn to walk, Piaget believed that children gain their cognitive power in a developmental order. These insights — that children at different ages think in fundamentally different ways — led to Piaget's phase model of cognitive development.

Piaget argued that children practise not just passively acquire simply also actively effort to make sense of their worlds. He argued that, equally they acquire and mature, children develop schemas — patterns of cognition in long-term memory — that aid them remember, organize, and respond to data. Furthermore, Piaget idea that when children experience new things, they attempt to reconcile the new knowledge with existing schemas. Piaget believed that children use two singled-out methods in doing and then, methods that he called assimilation and accommodation (see Effigy 7.iv, "Assimilation and Adaptation").

Figure 7.4 Absorption and Accommodation.

When children employ assimilation, they apply already developed schemas to empathize new data. If children accept learned a schema for horses, then they may telephone call the striped animal they meet at the zoo a horse rather than a zebra. In this case, children fit the existing schema to the new information and characterization the new information with the existing knowledge. Accommodation, on the other mitt, involves learning new information and thus changing the schema. When a mother says, "No, honey, that's a zebra, not a horse," the kid may adapt the schema to fit the new stimulus, learning that there are different types of four-legged animals, merely 1 of which is a horse.

Piaget'southward near of import contribution to understanding cognitive development, and the fundamental attribute of his theory, was the idea that development occurs in unique and distinct stages, with each stage occurring at a specific time, in a sequential fashion, and in a way that allows the child to recollect about the world using new capacities. Piaget'southward stages of cerebral development are summarized in Table 7.iii, "Piaget'south Stages of Cognitive Development."

Table vii.iii Piaget's Stages of Cognitive Evolution.
Stage	Approximate age range	Characteristics	Stage attainments
[Skip Table]
Sensorimotor	Nativity to about 2 years	The child experiences the world through the fundamental senses of seeing, hearing, touching, and tasting.	Object permanence
Preoperational	two to seven years	Children larn the ability to internally stand for the world through language and mental imagery. They also showtime to see the world from other people's perspectives.	Theory of listen; rapid increase in language power
Concrete operational	7 to 11 years	Children become able to call up logically. They can increasingly perform operations on objects that are merely imagined.	Conservation
Formal operational	xi years to adulthood	Adolescents can think systematically, tin can reason nearly abstruse concepts, and can empathise ethics and scientific reasoning.	Abstract logic

The commencement developmental stage for Piaget was the sensorimotor phase, the cognitive stage that begins at birth and lasts until effectually the age of 2. Information technology is defined past the straight physical interactions that babies have with the objects around them. During this stage, babies course their first schemas by using their chief senses — they stare at, heed to, achieve for, concord, shake, and taste the things in their environments.

During the sensorimotor stage, babies' use of their senses to perceive the world is so central to their agreement that whenever babies do not directly perceive objects, equally far every bit they are concerned, the objects practice non be. Piaget constitute, for example, that if he starting time interested babies in a toy and so covered the toy with a blanket, children who were younger than 6 months of age would act as if the toy had disappeared completely — they never tried to find it under the coating but would nonetheless smile and reach for it when the blanket was removed. Piaget constitute that it was not until nearly eight months that the children realized that the object was just covered and not gone. Piaget used the term object permanence to refer to the kid'south power to know that an object exists even when the object cannot be perceived.

Children younger than about 8 months of historic period do not understand object permanence.

Lookout man: Object Permanence [YouTube]: http://www.youtube.com/five/nwXd7WyWNHY

At about ii years of age, and until about 7 years of historic period, children move into the preoperational stage. During this stage, children begin to use language and to think more abstractly near objects, with capacity to course mental images; still, their agreement is more intuitive and they lack much ability to deduce or reason. The thinking is preoperational, meaning that the kid lacks the ability to operate on or transform objects mentally. In one written report that showed the extent of this disability, Judy DeLoache (1987) showed children a room within a modest dollhouse. Inside the room, a small toy was visible behind a small couch. The researchers took the children to another lab room, which was an exact replica of the dollhouse room, merely full-sized. When children who were 2.5 years onetime were asked to discover the toy, they did non know where to wait — they were just unable to make the transition across the changes in room size. Three-year-old children, on the other manus, immediately looked for the toy backside the couch, demonstrating that they were improving their operational skills.

The disability of young children to view transitions likewise leads them to exist egocentric — unable to readily run into and empathise other people'due south viewpoints. Developmental psychologists ascertain the theory of mind as the ability to take another person'southward viewpoint, and the ability to practise then increases rapidly during the preoperational stage. In one demonstration of the development of theory of mind, a researcher shows a child a video of some other child (allow's call her Anna) putting a brawl in a cherry box. So Anna leaves the room, and the video shows that while she is gone, a researcher moves the ball from the ruby box into a blue box. As the video continues, Anna comes dorsum into the room. The child is then asked to signal to the box where Anna will probably wait to find her ball. Children who are younger than 4 years of age typically are unable to understand that Anna does non know that the ball has been moved, and they predict that she will look for it in the blue box. After four years of age, still, children have developed a theory of listen — they realize that different people tin have different viewpoints and that (although she will be wrong) Anna will still retrieve that the ball is still in the crimson box.

After near seven years of age until 11, the kid moves into the concrete operational stage, which is marked by more frequent and more authentic utilize of transitions, operations, and abstract concepts, including those of time, space, and numbers. An important milestone during the concrete operational phase is the development of conservation — the understanding that changes in the grade of an object do not necessarily mean changes in the quantity of the object. Children younger than 7 years by and large recall that a glass of milk that is alpine holds more milk than a glass of milk that is shorter and wider, and they continue to believe this fifty-fifty when they see the same milk poured back and forth betwixt the glasses. Information technology appears that these children focus but on 1 dimension (in this instance, the height of the glass) and ignore the other dimension (width). However, when children reach the concrete operational phase, their abilities to sympathise such transformations make them aware that, although the milk looks different in the different glasses, the amount must be the aforementioned.

Children younger than about seven years of age practise non understand the principles of conservation.

Scout: "Conservation" [YouTube]: http://world wide web.youtube.com/watch?v=YtLEWVu815o&feature=youtu.be

At about 11 years of age, children enter the formal operational phase, which is marked past the power to recall in abstract terms and to utilise scientific and philosophical lines of thought. Children in the formal operational phase are better able to systematically test culling ideas to determine their influences on outcomes. For example, rather than haphazardly changing unlike aspects of a situation that allows no clear conclusions to be drawn, they systematically make changes in i affair at a time and notice what difference that item change makes. They learn to utilize deductive reasoning, such every bit "if this, and so that," and they become capable of imagining situations that "might exist," rather than just those that actually exist.

Piaget's theories have made a substantial and lasting contribution to developmental psychology. His contributions include the idea that children are not merely passive receptacles of information just rather actively engage in acquiring new knowledge and making sense of the earth around them. This general idea has generated many other theories of cognitive development, each designed to help usa better understand the development of the child's information-processing skills (Klahr & MacWhinney, 1998; Shrager & Siegler, 1998). Furthermore, the extensive research that Piaget's theory has stimulated has generally supported his beliefs well-nigh the social club in which knowledge develops. Piaget'due south piece of work has also been practical in many domains — for instance, many teachers brand utilize of Piaget'southward stages to develop educational approaches aimed at the level children are developmentally prepared for (Driscoll, 1994; Levin, Siegler, & Druyan, 1990).

Over the years, Piagetian ideas take been refined. For case, it is now believed that object permanence develops gradually, rather than more than immediately, every bit a truthful phase model would predict, and that it can sometimes develop much earlier than Piaget expected. Renée Baillargeon and her colleagues (Baillargeon, 2004; Wang, Baillargeon, & Brueckner, 2004) placed babies in a habituation setup, having them watch equally an object was placed behind a screen, entirely subconscious from view. The researchers then bundled for the object to reappear from backside another screen in a dissimilar place. Babies who saw this pattern of events looked longer at the display than did babies who witnessed the same object physically being moved betwixt the screens. These data suggest that the babies were aware that the object still existed even though it was hidden backside the screen, and thus that they were displaying object permanence as early equally iii months of historic period, rather than the eight months that Piaget predicted.

Some other factor that might have surprised Piaget is the extent to which a kid'due south social surroundings influence learning. In some cases, children progress to new ways of thinking and retreat to one-time ones depending on the blazon of task they are performing, the circumstances they find themselves in, and the nature of the language used to instruct them (Courage & Howe, 2002). And children in different cultures show somewhat different patterns of cognitive development. Dasen (1972) plant that children in not-Western cultures moved to the next developmental stage about a twelvemonth after than did children from Western cultures, and that level of schooling also influenced cognitive development. In short, Piaget'due south theory probably understated the contribution of environmental factors to social evolution.

More recent theories (Cole, 1996; Rogoff, 1990; Tomasello, 1999), based in big role on the sociocultural theory of the Russian scholar Lev Vygotsky (1962, 1978), fence that cognitive development is non isolated entirely inside the child but occurs at least in role through social interactions. These scholars argue that children's thinking develops through constant interactions with more competent others, including parents, peers, and teachers.

An extension of Vygotsky'south sociocultural theory is the idea of community learning, in which children serve as both teachers and learners. This arroyo is often used in classrooms to improve learning as well every bit to increment responsibility and respect for others. When children work cooperatively in groups to learn cloth, they tin help and back up each other's learning as well as learn about each other as individuals, thereby reducing prejudice (Aronson, Blaney, Stephan, Sikes, & Snapp, 1978; Chocolate-brown, 1997).

Social Evolution During Childhood

It is through the remarkable increases in cognitive ability that children learn to interact with and understand their environments. But these cerebral skills are only function of the changes that are occurring during childhood. Equally crucial is the evolution of the kid'south social skills — the power to understand, predict, and create bonds with the other people in their environments.

Knowing the Cocky: The Evolution of the Self-Concept

One of the important milestones in a child's social development is learning about his or her own self-being (Effigy 7.5). This self-sensation is known as consciousness, and the content of consciousness is known every bit the self-concept. The self-concept is a noesis representation or schema that contains knowledge about the states, including our beliefs virtually our personality traits, physical characteristics, abilities, values, goals, and roles, besides every bit the cognition that we exist every bit individuals (Kagan, 1991).

A baby, a dog, and a monkey look at themselves in a mirror. — Effigy 7.v Recognizing Oneself in a Mirror. A simple test of self-awareness is the ability to recognize oneself in a mirror. Humans and chimpanzees tin pass the examination; dogs never practice.

Some animals, including chimpanzees, orangutans, and perhaps dolphins, have at least a primitive sense of self (Boysen & Himes, 1999). In one study (Gallup, 1970), researchers painted a crimson dot on the foreheads of anesthetized chimpanzees so placed each animal in a cage with a mirror. When the chimps woke up and looked in the mirror, they touched the dot on their faces, not the dot on the faces in the mirror. These actions advise that the chimps understood that they were looking at themselves and not at other animals, and thus we can assume that they are able to realize that they be as individuals. On the other hand, near other animals, including, for instance, dogs, cats, and monkeys, never realize that it is themselves in the mirror.

Infants who take a similar red dot painted on their foreheads recognize themselves in a mirror in the same way that the chimps exercise, and they do this past about 18 months of age (Povinelli, Landau, & Perilloux, 1996). The kid'due south knowledge about the self continues to develop every bit the child grows. By age two, the infant becomes aware of his or her sexual activity, as a boy or a girl. By historic period four, cocky-descriptions are likely to exist based on physical features, such every bit hair colour and possessions, and by about age six, the kid is able to sympathize basic emotions and the concepts of traits, beingness able to brand statements such as "I am a nice person" (Harter, 1998).

Soon subsequently children enter school (at well-nigh historic period five or six), they brainstorm to brand comparisons with other children, a procedure known equally social comparison. For example, a child might describe himself as being faster than ane male child but slower than another (Moretti & Higgins, 1990). Co-ordinate to Erikson, the of import component of this procedure is the development of competence and autonomy — the recognition of i's own abilities relative to other children. And children increasingly show awareness of social situations — they understand that other people are looking at and judging them the aforementioned way that they are looking at and judging others (Doherty, 2009).

Successfully Relating to Others: Attachment

One of the well-nigh important behaviours a kid must larn is how to be accepted past others — the evolution of close and meaningful social relationships. The emotional bonds that nosotros develop with those with whom we feel closest, and particularly the bonds that an infant develops with the female parent or primary caregiver, are referred to every bit zipper (Cassidy & Shaver, 1999). See examples in Effigy 7.6.

Children with their caregivers. — Figure seven.six Children'south Attachment to Caregivers. Children develop appropriate attachment styles through their interactions with caregivers.

As late as the 1930s, psychologists believed that children who were raised in institutions such equally orphanages, and who received skilful physical care and proper nourishment, would develop normally, fifty-fifty if they had lilliputian interaction with their caretakers. But studies by the developmental psychologist John Bowlby (1953) and others showed that these children did non develop usually — they were unremarkably sickly, emotionally slow, and generally unmotivated. These observations helped make it clear that normal infant evolution requires successful attachment with a caretaker.

In one archetype study showing the importance of attachment, Wisconsin University psychologists Harry and Margaret Harlow investigated the responses of immature monkeys, separated from their biological mothers, to two surrogate mothers introduced to their cages. 1 — the wire mother — consisted of a round wooden head, a mesh of common cold metal wires, and a bottle of milk from which the baby monkey could drink. The second mother was a foam-rubber course wrapped in a heated terry-cloth coating. The Harlows plant that although the infant monkeys went to the wire female parent for food, they overwhelmingly preferred and spent significantly more time with the warm terry-cloth mother that provided no food but did provide condolement (Harlow, 1958).

The studies by the Harlows showed that young monkeys preferred the warm female parent that provided a secure base to the cold mother that provided food.

Spotter: "The Harlows'due south Monkeys" [YouTube]: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MmbbfisRiwA

The Harlows's studies confirmed that babies have social likewise as physical needs. Both monkeys and human babies need a secure base that allows them to feel rubber. From this base, they can gain the conviction they need to venture out and explore their worlds. Erikson (Tabular array seven.1, "Challenges of Development every bit Proposed past Erik Erikson") was in understanding on the importance of a secure base, arguing that the most important goal of infancy was the development of a basic sense of trust in one'southward caregivers.

Developmental psychologist Mary Ainsworth, a pupil of John Bowlby, was interested in studying the development of attachment in infants. Ainsworth created a laboratory exam that measured an baby'due south zipper to his or her parent. The examination is called the foreign situation — a measure of attachment in young children in which the child's behaviours are assessed in a situation in which the caregiver and a stranger move in and out of the environment — because it is conducted in a context that is unfamiliar to the kid and therefore probable to enhance the child's need for his or her parent (Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall, 1978). During the procedure, which lasts about 20 minutes, the parent and the infant are commencement left alone, while the infant explores the room full of toys. So a strange adult enters the room and talks for a minute to the parent, after which the parent leaves the room. The stranger stays with the infant for a few minutes, and so the parent again enters and the stranger leaves the room. During the entire session, a video camera records the child's behaviours, which are later coded by trained coders.

In the strange situation, children are observed responding to the comings and goings of parents and unfamiliar adults in their environments.

Watch: "The Strange State of affairs" [YouTube]: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QTsewNrHUHU

On the basis of their behaviours, the children are categorized into 1 of four groups, where each group reflects a different kind of attachment relationship with the caregiver. A child with a secure attachment style usually explores freely while the female parent is present and engages with the stranger. The child may be upset when the mother departs but is as well happy to see the mother return. A child with an ambivalent (sometimes called insecure-resistant) attachment style is wary about the state of affairs in general, especially the stranger, and stays close or even clings to the female parent rather than exploring the toys. When the mother leaves, the kid is extremely distressed and is ambivalent when she returns. The kid may rush to the female parent but and so fail to cling to her when she picks upward the child. A child with an avoidant (sometimes called insecure-avoidant) attachment style volition avoid or ignore the mother, showing fiddling emotion when the mother departs or returns. The child may run away from the female parent when she approaches. The child will non explore very much, regardless of who is there, and the stranger will not be treated much differently from the mother.

Finally, a child with a disorganized zipper style seems to take no consistent style of coping with the stress of the strange situation — the child may cry during the separation but avoid the mother when she returns, or the kid may approach the mother but then freeze or fall to the floor. Although some cultural differences in attachment styles have been found (Rothbaum, Weisz, Pott, Miyake, & Morelli, 2000), research has also found that the proportion of children who fall into each of the attachment categories is relatively constant across cultures (see Figure 7.vii, "Proportion of Children With Different Attachment Styles").

Childrens' Attachment Styles. Long description available. — Figure 7.seven Proportion of Children With Different Attachment Styles. The graph shows the estimate proportion of children who have each of the four attachment styles. These proportions are fairly constant beyond cultures. [Long Description]

You might wonder whether differences in attachment style are adamant more past the kid (nature) or more by the parents (nurture). Nearly developmental psychologists believe that socialization is primary, arguing that a child becomes securely fastened when the female parent is available and able to run across the needs of the child in a responsive and appropriate style, simply that the insecure styles occur when the mother is insensitive and responds inconsistently to the child's needs. In a direct examination of this idea, Dutch researcher Dymphna van den Smash (1994) randomly assigned some babies' mothers to a training session in which they learned to ameliorate respond to their children's needs. The research institute that these mothers' babies were more likely to show a secure attachment mode compared with the babies of the mothers in a control grouping that did non receive training.

But the attachment behaviour of the kid is also probable influenced, at least in part, past temperament, the innate personality characteristics of the infant. Some children are warm, friendly, and responsive, whereas others tend to be more irritable, less manageable, and difficult to console. These differences may also play a function in attachment (Gillath, Shaver, Baek, & Chun, 2008; Seifer, Schiller, Sameroff, Resnick, & Riordan, 1996). Taken together, it seems rubber to say that attachment, like most other developmental processes, is affected past an interplay of genetic and socialization influences.

Research Focus: Using a Longitudinal Research Design to Assess the Stability of Attachment

You might wonder whether the attachment mode displayed by infants has much influence later in life. In fact, inquiry has constitute that the attachment styles of children predict their emotions and their behaviours many years later (Cassidy & Shaver, 1999). Psychologists have studied the persistence of attachment styles over fourth dimension using longitudinal inquiry designs — research designs in which individuals in the sample are followed and contacted over an extended period of time, oft over multiple developmental stages.

In one such study, Waters, Merrick, Treboux, Crowell, and Albersheim (2000) examined the extent of stability and change in zipper patterns from infancy to early adulthood. In their enquiry, 60 middle-class infants who had been tested in the foreign situation at one year of age were recontacted xx years later and interviewed using a measure of adult attachment. Waters and colleagues found that 72% of the participants received the same secure versus insecure attachment nomenclature in early adulthood as they had received as infants. The adults who changed categorization (usually from secure to insecure) were primarily those who had experienced traumatic events, such every bit the expiry or divorce of parents, astringent illnesses (contracted by the parents or the children themselves), or physical or sexual abuse past a family member.

In addition to finding that people generally display the aforementioned zipper style over fourth dimension, longitudinal studies have too found that the attachment classification received in infancy (every bit assessed using the strange situation or other measures) predicts many childhood and adult behaviours. Deeply attached infants have closer, more harmonious relationships with peers, are less anxious and aggressive, and are better able to understand others' emotions than are those who were categorized as insecure equally infants (Lucas-Thompson & Clarke-Stewart, 2007). And deeply fastened adolescents also have more positive peer and romantic relationships than their less deeply fastened counterparts (Carlson, Sroufe, & Egeland, 2004).

Conducting longitudinal research is a very difficult task, only one that has substantial rewards. When the sample is large enough and the time frame long enough, the potential findings of such a report can provide rich and important information about how people modify over fourth dimension and the causes of those changes. The drawbacks of longitudinal studies include the cost and the difficulty of finding a large sample that can be tracked accurately over fourth dimension, and the time (many years) that information technology takes to get the data. In addition, considering the results are delayed over an extended period, the enquiry questions posed at the beginning of the written report may get less relevant over time as the research continues.

Cross-exclusive inquiry designs represent an alternative to longitudinal designs. In a cross-sectional research design, historic period comparisons are made between samples of different people at different ages at one time. In one example, Jang, Livesley, and Vernon (1996) studied 2 groups of identical and nonidentical (fraternal) twins, 1 group in their 20s and the other group in their 50s, to make up one's mind the influence of genetics on personality. They plant that genetics played a more significant role in the older group of twins, suggesting that genetics became more than significant for personality in later on adulthood.

Cross-exclusive studies have a major advantage in that the scientist does non have to wait for years to pass to become results. On the other hand, the interpretation of the results in a cantankerous-sectional study is not as clear as those from a longitudinal study, in which the aforementioned individuals are studied over time. Most important, the interpretations drawn from cross-sectional studies may be confounded by cohort effects. Cohort furnishings refer to the possibility that differences in knowledge or behaviour at two points in fourth dimension may exist acquired by differences that are unrelated to the changes in age. The differences might instead exist due to environmental factors that affect an unabridged age group. For instance, in the study by Jang, Livesley, and Vernon (1996) that compared younger and older twins, cohort effects might be a problem. The two groups of adults necessarily grew upward in different fourth dimension periods, and they may have been differentially influenced past societal experiences, such as economic hardship, the presence of wars, or the introduction of new engineering science. Equally a result, it is difficult in cantankerous-sectional studies such equally this one to make up one's mind whether the differences betwixt the groups (e.g., in terms of the relative roles of environment and genetics) are due to age or to other factors.

Key Takeaways

Babies are built-in with a diverseness of skills and abilities that contribute to their survival, and they likewise actively larn by engaging with their environments.
The habituation technique is used to demonstrate the newborn'southward ability to remember and larn from experience.
Children use both assimilation and adaptation to develop performance schemas of the world.
Piaget's theory of cognitive development proposes that children develop in a specific series of sequential stages: sensorimotor, preoperational, concrete operational, and formal operational.
Piaget's theories take had a major impact, simply they take also been critiqued and expanded.
Social development requires the development of a secure base from which children feel free to explore. Zipper styles refer to the security of this base and more more often than not to the type of relationship that people, and specially children, develop with those who are important to them.
Longitudinal and cantankerous-sectional studies are each used to test hypotheses about development, and each approach has advantages and disadvantages.

Exercises and Critical Thinking

Give an example of a situation in which you or someone else might show cognitive assimilation and cerebral adaptation. In what cases do you retrieve each process is most likely to occur?
Consider some examples of how Piaget'southward and Vygotsky'due south theories of cognitive development might exist used by teachers who are teaching young children.
Consider the attachment styles of some of your friends in terms of their relationships with their parents and other friends. Practice you think their mode is secure?

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Paradigm Attributions

Figure 7.ii: Adapted from Wynn (1995).

Figure 7.3: Jean Piaget by Anton Johansson, http://world wide web.flickr.com/photos/mirjoran/455878802 used nether CC BY 2.0 license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/).

Figure 7.5: "Toddler in mirror" by Samantha Steele (http://www.flickr.com/photos/samanthasteele/3983047059/) is licensed under CC Past-NC-ND 2.0 license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/ii.0/deed.en_CA). At that place'due south a monkey in my mirror" by Mor (http://www.flickr.com/photos/mmoorr/1921632741/) is licensed nether CC BY-NC 2.0 license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/2.0/deed.en_CA). "mirror mirror who is the most beautiful domestic dog?" by rromer (http://www.flickr.com/photos/rromer/6309501395/) is licensed under CC By-NC-SA 2.0 license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/ii.0/human action.en_CA).

Figure seven.six: Source: "Maternal Bail" by Koivth (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:MaternalBond.jpg) is licensed under the Artistic Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 Unported (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/deed.en_CA). "An admirable dad" by Julien Harneis (http://www.flickr.com/photos/julien_harneis/6342076964/in/photostream/) is licensed under CC BY-SA ii.0 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/ii.0/deed.en_CA). "Szymon i Krystian" by Joymaster (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Szymon_i_Krystian_003.JPG) is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/act.en_CA).

Long Descriptions:

Figure vii.vii long description: Childrens' Attachment Styles. 60% are secure. 15% are disorganized. xv% are avoidant. 10% are ambivalent. [Return to Figure 7.vii]

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